El Fuerte de Samaipata w świetle aktualnego stanu badań

2020

2(62)

DOI: 10.37190/arc200203

Introduction

The importance of the El Fuerte de Samaipata site and

the history of the investigations of this emblematic place

have been the subject of numerous works. These works

include a synopsis published a few years ago by Albert

Meyers in a compendium edited by him in collaboration

with Isabel Combès [1]. With the background of this site

being so important and well-known to the public, in this

text I will limit myself to summarising the facts, which

have been analysed in detail by my predecessors, and

complementing these with some relatively unknown data,

but of importance for the main theme of this publication:

the sacred rock of Samaipata and its petroglyphs.

Description of the site

Samaipata, or more precisely El Fuerte de Samaipata, is

a pre-Hispanic archaeological site of approximately 40 ha.

It is located in Bolivia, on the eastern slopes of the Andes,

on the top of a hill that rises above the valley of the Piray, at

an altitude between approximately 1890 and 1920 m above

sea level. Its geographical coordinates are Lat. 18°10′42″S,

Long. 63°49′10″W. In administrative terms, it belongs to

the department of Santa Cruz, province of Florida, muni-

cipality of Samaipata. It consists of two parts:

– A natural rock with (approximate) dimensions of 250

× 60 m, covered with a complicated system of petroglyphs

representing animals, various geometric shapes, canals, and

water tanks, as well as carved-out niches or entire rooms.

Mariusz Ziółkowski*

El Fuerte de Samaipata in the light of current research

El Fuerte de Samaipata w świetle aktualnego stanu badań

–

An architectural complex located on the south side

of the rock, which served as the Incan ceremonial and ad-

ministrative centre. It is composed of about 50 buildings

typical of Incan provincial architecture, including what are

known as kancha, that is, sets of rectangular buildings dis-

tributed around a quadrangular courtyard or patio. Among

the buildings, a kallanka (a huge stone building), 78 m long

and 16 m wide, stands out for its size. This kallanka was

used for residential purposes (sometimes also ceremonial)

and was capable of accommodating numerous groups of

temporary workers (mit’ayuq), soldiers, or pilgrims [2]–[5].

In spite of its present Incan appearance, the Samaipata

site is multicultural, and its origins date back to around

1000 AD, the probable date of the beginning of the crea-

tion of the petroglyphs in the rock mentioned above [1].

Its current appearance is the eect of at least 1000 years of

activity of the successive cultures that occupied the place

in pre-Hispanic times, during the Colony, and even today,

but also of the deterioration and modications of both an-

thropic and natural origin, phenomena that accelerated in

the previous century.

In the pre-Hispanic period (and after this), the rock

played the role of wak’a, or sacred place, and its prestige

among the local population was undoubtedly one of the

main reasons (although not the only one) for the Incas to

build an administrative and ceremonial centre here, af-

ter incorporating these areas into the Tawantinsuyu (Inca

Empire), probably in the mid-15

century AD. Due to its

artistic and historical importance, in 1998, the site was in-

scribed on the UNESCO World Heritage List

Cf. A. Meyers, El Fuerte de Samaipata in context. Introduction,

in this issue of “Architectus”.

* ORCID: 0000-0003-4137-0799. Centre for Andean Studies of the

University of Warsaw in Cusco (Peru), e-mail: mziolkowski@uw.edu.pl

12 Mariusz Ziółkowski

Summary of research history

Samaipata (initially Sabaypata) appears in the histori-

cal sources of the Probanza of the grandsons of the Con-

querors document written in 1569, in which the conquests

of the Inca ruler Tupac Inca Yupanqui and his brothers

in clashes with the Chiriguanos are recounted

. However,

the most detailed historical document about the history

of Samaipata at the time of the Inca Empire is True Re-

lationship, written by Father Diego Felipe de Alcaya(ga)

between December 1635 and March 1636. This was based

on an earlier account, written probably between 1573 and

1582, which was authored by Martín Sánchez de Alcaya-

ga, the supposed father of Father Diego

According to Father Diego’s document, Samaipata (or

Sabaypata) was an important Inca administrative and reli-

gious centre, which suered a devastating invasion from the

Chiriguanos shortly before the arrival of the Spaniards in the

Tawantinsuyu

. Apparently reconquered by the Incas (al-

though the document cited is not very clear about it), the site

would have been rebuilt but quickly abandoned because of

the advance of the Spaniards [7], [2, p. 48], [1, pp. 12, 13].

The archaeological data collected mainly by the Ger-

man project, the Samaipata Archaeological Research Pro -

ject (Proyecto Arqueológico en Samaipata, PIAS) in the

1990s conrm the reliability of historical references re-

garding the successive destruction of the site and its re-

construction. Historical stories or legends also refer to

treasures supposedly hidden by the Incas, a topic that re-

mains part of dierent stories and the oral tradition until

today [1, pp. 12, 13].

Leaving aside the somewhat legendary component of

the site, it is clear that Samaipata occupied a key strategic

position for the protection of the Tahuantinsuyu against

Y asi salieron a Pocona y hiçieron muchas fortaleças en el mesmo

Pocona y en Sabaypata quees en los chiriguanas y en Cuzcotuiro y pusso

en todas fortale[ça]s muchos yndios de diuerssaspartes para guardasen

la dha fortaleça y frontera a donde dexo muchos yndios orexones y al

pressente estan poblados sus hijos y desçendientes en las dhas orta-

le[ça]s y fronteras [6, p. 226].

A critical study of this document with the comprehensive publi-

cation of the palaeographed text has been conducted by Albert Meyers

and Isabel Combès. These scholars concluded that Don Martín’s original

document has been altered by successive remodelling, through which

references to dierent events after 1582 were introduced [1].

The document provides interesting chronological information

regarding the possible date of the occupation of Samaipata by the Chi-

riguanos. When referring to the entry of the Spaniards through the Río de

la Plata and the foundation of the city of Asunción (15

August, 1537),

there is a reference to information provided by the Guaraní regarding the

sacking of Samaypata and the death of the Inca commanders (kings):

[…] le dieron notiçia con façilidad de la Riqueça que poseyan los yndios

parientes suyos en los llanos que la hauian descubierto los dos yngas

que mataron que ya lo sauian ellos en su tierra y por las lunas que con-

taron pareçio hauer onçe años que mataron a estos dos yngas [1, p. 25].

If the aforementioned Guaraní calculation “by moons” was correct,

it would mean that the Chiriguano invasion took place in ca. 1525–1526.

This date coincides with the chronicle of Rui Diaz de Guzman, accord-

ing to which an invasion of the Inca territory by the Guaraní, an event

in which a Portuguese, Alejo García participated, took place precisely

in 1526. However, after a thorough critical study of this document, Nor-

denskiöld advanced this invasion to 1522 [7].

rampant incursions of the Guaraní. Due to these defensive

qualities, the Spanish administration also promoted the

construction of a fort in this place, most likely in the time

of Viceroy Toledo, between 1574 and 1575. This provides

the origin of the current name of the site – “El Fuerte”.

However, at the beginning of the 17

century, the defen-

sive value of the site was no longer so important since the

“Chiriguano Border” had been established further east. In

addition, after the foundation between 1615 and 1617 of

the settlement of Samaipata (at the time, the capital of the

municipality), about 8 km from “El Fuerte”, the latter lost

importance and was gradually abandoned [1]. Despite this

abandonment, the tradition regarding the glorious past of

the site remained in force not only in the oral tradition of

the inhabitants of the place, but in the geographical pub-

lications of the time, which undoubtedly urged travellers

to visit the place

The rst of the itinerant scientists about whom we

have

somewhat detailed information was a Czech-German

scholar

Thaddeus (Tadeás) Haenke, who, after a short

visit to Samaipata in 1795, drew a schematic drawing of

the rock and its petroglyphs (Fig. 1). Unfortunately, after

Haenke’s unexpected death in 1817

, most of his notes

and plans, including his information on Samaipata, re-

mained unpublished [11], [12].

An important event for studying the history of this site

was the visit (of only one day – 24

November, 1832)

of the French naturalist Alcide d’Orbigny, who prepared

a more detailed but still incomplete plan of the rock and

the carved representations. D’Orbigny’s plan presents

some petroglyphs, including a rhea, that are now practi-

cally unrecognisable (Fig. 2)

D’Orbigny interpreted a set of elements carved in the

rock as a gold-washing plant [13, pp. 1464–1466]. However,

this interpretation had no rm basis and has been, rightly,

rejected [14], [15]. In light of certain data collected 85 years

after d’Orbigny’s visit, it is possible that this curious iden-

tication as a “gold-washing plant” had a local origin

As an example, let us mention a geographical dictionary from

the end of the 18

century: Samaipata, Pueblo grande y de numerosa

Población en la Provincia y Gobierno de Santa Cruz de la Sierra en el

Perú, tiene mas de 600 almas todos Españoles, y á una legua de distan-

cia en un cerro alto en que se ve un edicio maltratado de tiempo con

vestigios de palacio que llaman del Inca y dicen que hay escondido allí

un gran tesoro desde la gentilidad de los Indios [8, p. 486].

Haenke was accidentally poisoned by his maid, who served a tox-

ic potion instead of a medicament. There is some confusion in the litera-

ture regarding the date of his death: 1816 or 1817 [9, p. 23], [10, pp. 5, 22].

The French scholar was apparently the rst one to propose an as-

tronomical–calendrical interpretation of some of the petroglyphs, a topic

much discussed until today: En lo que se reere a1 aspecto alegórico,

relacionado con la religión, quizis podría verse en el estanque A, situ-

ado en el punto mis alto del conjunto, la representación del sol, cuyos

rayos serian las excavaciones triangulares del contorno. Dentro de esta

hipótesis, seria licito creer también que las medias lunas F F de la parte

baja representarian los primeros y los últimos cuartos de la luna, andan-

do de este a oeste. En cuanto a la serpiente F, a1 ave y a1 otro animal a1

borde del estanque E, tenian tal vez un valor simbólico dicil de explicar

hoy (D’Orbigny 1945 [1844]: 1466 – compare with Fig. 2).

In 1917, a North American traveller, Harry A. Franck, after his visit

to Samaipata, published the following information, which, although brief,

oers relatively little known data about the rock. This interesting testimony

El Fuerte de Samaipata in the light of current research / El Fuerte de Samaipata w świetle aktualnego stanu badań 13

D’Orbigny’s plan is accompanied by a description that is

presented below in an approximate English translation: The

sculpted set is composed, at its eastern end, by the founda-

tions of a great wall (C C) and other stores or homes. From

that point, you climb a gentle slope of thirty meters to the top.

In this interval, there are four steps carved in the rock, and

is reproduced in length below: Some two hours beyond Samaipata, 3000

feet or more above the road, up the range on the right, stands what the na-

tives of the region call “El Fuerte”. Here, in a splendid strategic position,

covering the at top of an entire hill, were and still are extensive terraces

and the mostly fallen remains of what must have been important buildings,

now overgrown with brush, though there are few or no real trees. Scattered

about this cold and barren plateau, some 10,000 feet above sea-level, are

many carved seats, similar to those of Cusco and its vicinity, and gures

cut in sandstone, among which jaguars, ostriches, and other fauna of the

Andes can still be distinguished, though many are time- and weather-worn

beyond identication. Practical miners who have visited the spot report the

existence of ore-washing apparatus of hewn stone. According to tradition,

the Incas had here their easternmost stronghold, built by Yupanqui, the

emperor who aspired to conquer the hated huarani, the breechless tribes

of the tropical lowlands. At present, “El Fuerte” is utterly uninhabited.

For many years, one aged Indian lived here, long reputed to be more than

a century old. The people of the region called him “the Inca”, and cred-

ited him with supernatural powers and untold wealth. The usual rumors

of hidden gold and jewels, and of subterranean passages from temple to

treasure-house, hover about the place. So far as is known, the site has never

been visited, or at least explored, by archeologists, to whom it might bring

rewards not inferior to those of Machu Picchu [16, pp. 537, 538].

If in the second decade of the 20

century, the miners interpreted

the elements carved in the rock as an ore-washing plant, it could hardly

be a memory associated with d’Orbigny’s visit in 1832; more like a local

tradition still in force that the French scientist would have known and

resumed in his time. There is also interesting information about the “old

Indian” who had lived near the rock. This information has a parallel in

the story of “Timothy and the Elder” collected by Erland Nordenskiöld

[7]. Also of interest are Franck’s references to the representations of

animals (felines, ostriches), still visible at that time, despite the advanced

deterioration of the rock.

to the north, two ponds (l). One is square, six meters long,

and another oval, seven metres, certainly destined to serve

as reservoirs for water (see the section below the plan). At

the highest point, there are two oblong ponds (B), twelve

meters long and separated by a part in which four chairs

on each side were carved, whose destiny was perhaps to

serve as a seat for the workers engaged in washing in those

ponds. A little further down is another circular pond (.4),

eleven meters in diameter, around which eighteen seats are

carved equally in the rock. A conduit connects this pond

with another placed on the northern slope. Going down the

slope and along the middle, under pond A, is a second ob-

long pond, excavated in the slope and whose length is six-

teen meters: under this one, there is a third, oblique, much

smaller, and a fourth pond, oval, in the north. From this last

cross-sectional pond, pond C, six meters wide by forty long,

a little concave, can be seen on the midline of the slope, in

which there are three ditches in the shape of a rhombus,

which is the supposed washing plant; they should serve

to collect the gold nuggets (g. II). Under these rhomboid

ditches, there are two last D ponds, beyond which a wall

extends. Undoubtedly, there nished the installation of the

ore-washing plant. On the other side of the wall, and below,

pond E is still seen on a very even platform, twenty-seven

meters long and twelve meters wide. On this platform, near

the pond, is the gure of an animal carved in relief, and on

the other side a large bird, drawn only in hollow. Below,

in two crescent-shaped pits (F F), whose convexity is in-

verse, two large animals are visible, and on the northern

side, a snake, evenly sculpted in relief in a semilunar cavity

beyond two huge stepped terraces that end the whole west.

So far, I have spoken only of the convex part that occu-

pies the top of the hill: I want to say only two words about

the two parallel slopes, to the north and south of each side

of the eminence. To the north and the eastern extremity,

Fig. 1. Plan of the rock of Samaipata by Thaddeus Haenke in 1795 [1, p. 25, Fig. 4]

14 Mariusz Ziółkowski

there are three wide stepped terraces and some kinds of

moats (H of the plane and g. III the prole) where there

is a reserved entrance, and the rest, carved in the rock,

shows concealed doors. On the slope, you can see four

of these pits and several large stepped terraces, some of

which must have been used as stairs and the others for

other uses. To the south, you can see many more grand

stepped terraces and wide and long pits [13, p. 1465].

Fig. 2. Plan of the rock of Samaipata created by Alcide d’Orbigny on 24

November, 1832 [13]

El Fuerte de Samaipata in the light of current research / El Fuerte de Samaipata w świetle aktualnego stanu badań 15

It is interesting to note that in the middle of the 19

cen-

tury, Samaipata’s chronological position was already as-

sociated with Tiwanaku and a pre-Inca period, despite the

prevailing historical information about its Inca aliation

[17, p. 27].

The chronological considerations about the pre-Inca

origin of advanced pre-Columbian cultures (among those,

the Samaipata builders) were intimately associated with

the popular theories at that time, which were related to the

supposed existence of two “racial” components of the in-

digenous population: a “superior” and an “inferior” race.

These speculations rested in craniological studies, which

were promoted by physical anthropologists including Paul

Broca [18]. Apparently, a specimen (skull), likely from

excavations in El Fuerte de Samaipata, was collected by

the Italian Medical-Surgical Commission that was present

in Bolivia between 1875 and 1877, and served as “evi-

dence” for those speculations [19, p. 182].

A signicant advance in the research and interpretation

of the rock at Samaipata occurred in the 1

half of the 20

century. This was the work of the Swedish scholar Erland

Nordenskiöld [20], [21], [7] and the self-taught researcher

Leo Pucher, an Austrian emigrant in Bolivia [14]. The lat-

ter supported the thesis on the pre-Inca origin of some of

the representations carved into the rock, an interpretation

that proved to be correct. Pucher’s activity was supported

by the Archaeological Society of Bolivia, created in 1930

by Arthur Posnansky. However, the truth is that the type of

archaeology promoted by this society (very select – only

twelve members) raised several doubts not so much in

terms of the eldwork methodology, but more the theo-

retical and interpretative aspects. This is why the some-

what derogatory qualication of “fantastic” and “ mythical”

archaeology is often attributed to this society [22]. For

this reason, and also because of the historical moment in-

which it was published, Pucher’s work on Samaipata [14]

did not have a signicant distribution or impact outside

Bolivia, while the credit of having begun scientic sensu

stricto studies in Samaipata is attributed to Nordenskiöld.

The truth is that the main contribution of the Swedish

scholar was to contextualise the foundation of Samaipata

within the framework of the expansion of the Tawantin-

suyu in the direction of the plains of the east and the con-

secutive clashes with the Chiriguanos [21]

. However,

Nordenskiöld devoted relatively little time and attention to

eldwork on the site itself. Despite this, he had the honour

of publishing some photos that showed the state of preser-

vation of the site in 1908 when he visited it [20], [7], [1].

In the 1950s, the long-lasting involvement of German

scholars in research on Samaipata began. The well-known

German archaeologist Hermann Trimborn (University of

Bonn) visited Samaipata in 1955 and 1960 as part of an

archaeological survey in the east of Bolivia. He published

a very detailed description of the site, which also sum-

marised the previous studies, and a simplied plan of the

structures combined with a topographic survey carried out

by his assistant Hansjürgen Müller-Beck [24]. This plan

is not of sucient resolution for the study of petroglyphs,

but Trimborn also used in his publication the little-known

plan drawn by Pucher (Fig. 3). Other works, but of lim-

ited scope, were conducted in the following years: “On

In a recent study, Sonia Alconini again addresses this issue, men-

tioning the importance of Samaipata among other Inca facilities in this

territory [23, p. 28].

Fig. 3. The plan of the rock of Samaipata by Leo Pucher in 1936 [14, sec.], [24]

16 Mariusz Ziółkowski

a study trip to Samaipata from June 1 to 7, 1964, the Bo-

livian-German Günter Holzmann (1968) made some small

excavations in what we call platform 2, nding remains of

buildings and ceramics” [1, p. 15].

Investigations of Samaipata and particularly of the rock

have not been limited to the activity of foreign expeditions.

The work of Bolivian scholars has expanded signicantly

with the establishment of the Samaipata Archaeological

Research Centre (CIAS) in early 1974 by the Bolivian

government (and under the initiative of Carlos Ponce San-

ginés). Since then, this centre coordinates the research ac-

tivities and maintenance of the site: The rst systematic

excavations were carried out by Peruvian archaeologist

Felix Tapia Pineda in that same year, in a residential area

south of the rock, today known as sector 2 [25].

In 1979, Oswaldo Rivera Sundt made an interpretative

publication about Samaipata, which represents so far the

most complete and detailed vision of the site [26].

Since then, the resident archaeologist and director of

CIAS, Omar Claure Callaú, makes continuous eorts not

only in terms of the conservation of the monument but

also to attract the interest of scientists to do deep research

into the site and region [1, p. 16].

The site is also still the subject of interest of dierent

scientic publications. Among these, a text by Giancarlo

Ligabue stands out for the excellence of the photos taken

on the site [27]

Following Trimborn’s studies, in 1992, the German

researchers from the Department of Ancient American

Studies of the University of Bonn and the Commission

for Archaeology of Non-European Cultures (Kommission

für Archäologie Außereuropäischer Kulturen, KAAK; part

of the German Archaeological Institute) initiated PIAS,

headed by Albert Meyers of the University of Bonn. The

research within the framework of this German-Bolivian

project focused mainly on the part of the site connected

to the ceremonial and administration centre of the Incas,

located at the south of the rock.

For the subject of the present study, a survey conducted

in 1994 by the German technicians of the University of

Bonn is particularly important. The result of this survey

Photographic documentation of the rock done for the prepara-

tion of the aforementioned article is in the archives of the Fondazione

Giancarlo Ligabue in Venice, Italy.

was a detailed plan of the rock and its petroglyphs. It is

necessary to emphasise the fact that this plan, produced

using “high-tech” equipment for the time, was the rst one

so precise

and has been surpassed only by what we have

presented in this volume. However, we must remember

that our plan in this work was produced using advanced

3D laser scanning technology, unavailable in the 1990s.

In 2015, Albert Meyers and Isabel Combès published

a collective work in Santa Cruz, Bolivia [28] that con-

tains a summary of the work of PIAS completed in 2001.

Among the texts of great importance that are presented in

this volume, there is a detailed description of the petro-

glyphs, which serves as a commentary to the above-men-

tioned topographic plan.

Finally, it is necessary to mention the work related to

the conservation and protection of the site and in particu-

lar the rock: geologically, it is a type of sedimentary sand-

stone with a siliceous, porous, extremely soft, and friable

matrix [29]. Carved in such a soft and delicate material,

petroglyphs deteriorate due to environmental factors such

as rainfall, insolation, wind erosion, the harmful impact

of lichens whose dierent species grow on the surface of

the rock, as well as anthropic factors. Among the latter,

the most notable are the inscriptions, drawings, and other

forms of expression carved profusely by visitors before the

installation of CIAS and a control and monitoring system

of the tourist ow. Among the studies that addressed the

issue of conservation and protection, the most relevant are

those conducted in recent years by Sonia Avilés [29]–[32].

A brief summary of the main contributions to the stud-

ies of Samaipata by dierent scholars, both Bolivians and

foreigners, with corresponding bibliographical referenc-

es, has been published by Richard Alcazar de la Fuente,

a researcher who for over 13 years was in charge of CIAS

[33]. Currently, the archaeological and conservation works

on the El Fuerte de Samaipata site are coordinated by

CIAS, which depends on the Autonomous Government of

the Department of Santa Cruz and on the authorities of

the municipality of Samaipata, who work under the su-

pervision of the Department of Heritage of the Ministry of

Cultures and Tourism of Bolivia.

Cf. A. Meyers, El Fuerte de Samaipata in context. Introduction,

p. 7, Fig. 1 in this issue of “Architectus”.

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de Santa Cruz. Primera Temporada 1992, “Boletin SIARB” 1993,

No. 7, 48–58.

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El Fuerte de Samaipata in the light of current research / El Fuerte de Samaipata w świetle aktualnego stanu badań 17

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Acknowledgements /Podziękowania

The presented work is part of the research sponsored by the grant giv-

en to the Wrocław University of Science and Technology by the Polish

National Science Centre (grant No. 2014/15/B/HS2/01108). Additio -

nally, the municipality of Samaipata, represented by Mayor Falvio Ló-

pes Escalera, contributed to this research by providing the accommo-

dation during the eldwork in June and July 2016, as well as in July

2017. The Ministry of Culture and Tourism of Bolivia kindly granted

all necessary permits (UDAM No. 014/2016; UDAM No 060/2017).

The research is conducted in close cooperation with the Centre of

Pre-Columbian Studies of the University of Warsaw in Cusco. Spe-

cialists from other universities and research centres are also joining

the project.

Abstract

Samaipata, or more precisely El Fuerte de Samaipata, is a pre-Hispanic archaeological site of approximately 40 ha located in Bolivia, on the eastern

slopes of the Andes. Due to its artistic and historical importance, the site was inscribed on the UNESCO World Heritage List in 1998.

The importance of El Fuerte de Samaipata and the history of the investigations of this emblematic place have been the subject of numerous works.

This text summarises the main stages of the studies of the site, particularly of the rock, from the rst information in Colonial sources of the 16

century to the most current research carried out by Bolivian and foreign scholars. Special emphasis is given to the documentation and preservation

programs of the petroglyphs, which are deteriorating due to environmental and anthropic factors.

Key words: Samaipata, Bolivia, rock art, Andean archaeology, UNESCO World Heritage List

Streszczenie

Samaipata, a ściślej El Fuerte de Samaipata, to przedhiszpańskie stanowisko archeologiczne o powierzchni około 40 ha, położone w Boliwii na

wschodnich zboczach Andów. W 1998 r. miejsce to ze względu na swoje znaczenie artystyczne i historyczne zostało wpisane na Listę Światowego

Dziedzictwa UNESCO.

18 Mariusz Ziółkowski

Znaczenie El Fuerte de Samaipata i historia badań tego wyjątkowego zespołu były już przedmiotem licznych studiów. Ten tekst podsumowuje wyniki

głównych etapów prac na tym stanowisku, zwłaszcza te dotyczące samej skały, od pierwszych informacji w źródłach kolonialnych z XVI w. poczyna-

jąc, po najbardziej aktualne opracowania boliwijskich i zagranicznych badaczy. Szczególny nacisk kładzie się na dokumentację i programy ochrony

petroglifów, których stan zachowania pogarsza się z powodu czynników środowiskowych i antropogenicznych.

Słowa kluczowe: Samaipata, Boliwia, sztuka naskalna, archeologia andyjska, Lista Światowego Dziedzictwa UNESCO

El Fuerte de Samaipata w świetle aktualnego stanu badań

Mariusz Ziółkowski

doi:10.37190/arc200203

Streszczenie