Śląski krajobraz z zamkiem w tle. Wrocławski donżon księcia-krzyżowca

Małgorzata Chorowska, Roland Mruczek

doi:10.37190/arc230101

Streszczenie

Artykuł jest próbą nakreślenia krajobrazu kulturowego Śląska w czasach przełomu, w 2. i 3. tercji XII w., widzianego przez pryzmat studiów nad wczesnym mecenatem Piastów śląskich. Symbolem głębokich przemian – oprócz kolonizacji i gospodarki czynszowej – stała się wówczas ceglana architektura o genezie lombardzkiej, łączona na północ od Alp z włoskimi aspiracjami i mocarstwową polityką Hohenstaufów (1154–1186). Celem pracy jest ukazanie genezy nowatorskiego, ceglanego, osiemnastobocznego donżonu książęcego zamku na Ostrowie Tumskim we Wrocławiu na tle podróży Bolesława I Wysokiego (lata wygnania: 1146–1163) oraz przemian politycznych i ekonomiczno-prawnych, jakie zainicjował na Śląsku w pierwszych dekadach melioratio terrae (lata panowania: 1163–1201). Czas ten, zdominowany początkowo przez konflikt Piastów z możnowładztwem, potem przez pierwsze udane eksperymenty gospodarcze i osadnicze, poprzedził szeroko znane w literaturze przedmiotu ogromne inwestycje architektoniczne i urbanistyczne o europejskim rozmachu podjęte przez jego syna Henryka Brodatego (1201–1238). Praca opiera się na wynikach badań archeologiczno-architektonicznych oraz analizach wybranych istniejących obiektów wieżowych, głównie europejskich, a także źródeł historycznych. Ceglany donżon wrocławski to manifest władzy powracającego z wygnania księcia Bolesława I Wysokiego, z trudem odzyskującego główne grody prowincji (1163/1166). Podobnie jak liczne wczesne wieże francuskie i angielskie był budowlą nowatorską, eksperymentalną i nie znalazł bezpośrednich naśladownictw formalnych. W poszukiwaniach jego genezy wypada sięgnąć do lombardzkich wzorców ceglanych, wśród których istotne znaczenie mogą mieć mury obronne Mediolanu zburzone po długim oblężeniu w latach 1161–1162. Powracając w 1163 r. do kraju z długiego wygnania, Bolesław I Wysoki zainicjował „ceglany przełom” w Polsce dzielnicowej, który stanowił jeden z etapów wielkiej „ceglanej rewolucji” na północ od Alp, zapoczątkowanej przez politykę włoską Hohenstaufów.

Słowa kluczowe:
śląsk
średniowiecze
wrocław
zamek
donżon
wieża-mieszkalna
archeologia

Podgląd pełnego artykułu jest możliwy wyłącznie na większych ekranach.

2023

1(73)

Małgorzata Chorowska*, Roland Mruczek**

Silesian landscape with a castle in the background.

A Wrocław donjon of the prince-crusader

Introduction

The moment of occurrence of new western models of

a feudal seat in Central and Eastern Europe with a dom-

inant role of the main tower is dicult to determine pre-

cisely. Contrary to the legend about the fall of Prince

Popiel and the beginnings of the Piast dynasty, which

was popularized by Gallus Anonymous, there is at pres-

ent a lack of strong premises which would allow us to

look for towers of donjon (keep) and bergfried types in

Polish lands in the period preceding the fragmentation of

Poland [1, p. 158 .]. Probably, only the so-called Wawel

Belfry – the oldest well-known representative of towers

of the Final Defense in Piast Poland, whose construction

should be connected with a workshop working on the

construction of Saint Wenceslaus Hermanian Cathedral

(1090–1142) [2] – constitutes a reection of processes

taking place in Europe during the reign of the Salian and

Hohenstaufen dynasties. As a result, a multi-tower mod-

el of the ruler’s residence, which was dierent from the

Carolingian and Ottonian models, was established. In the

case of Silesia, the existence of such a tower for the rst

time can be found indirectly in Słup, i.e. one of the rural

properties of magnates, which was mentioned in 1177 [3,

pp. 437–450], [4, p. 111]. We already know subsequent

examples of donjon and bergfried towers from the archae-

ological research on the princely residences in Wrocław,

Wleń, Legnica [5]–[8], and in other districts of the then

Poland and in close proximity, i.e. from the residence in

Kalisz-Zawodzie [9], palatium in Ostrów Lednicki [10] as

well as in Chełm [11], Lublin [12], Bieławin [13] or Stoł-

pie [14]. The abbey tower from Lubiń, which is known

from excavations, should also be mentioned here [15].

Wleń “donjon” with a careful dimension stone structure

(with a “staufen” dimension stone of Buckelquader type)

and a very early chronology, should be considered today

as an extremely reduced palace building rather than a res-

idential tower [16, p. 232 .].

Donjon (dunjo, dungeo, domniono, domnio, dungjo,

donejon, dongion, keep, kype, torreón, dongione, maschio,

mastio, fortied tower) – a residential and defense tower,

a specic form of defensive residence, which represent-

ed a palace in a verticalized form, constitutes rst of all

a symbol of strong central power, which was perceived in

all of Europe identically [17]–[19]. Unlike bergfried (bel-

fry), it was not only the last shelter of a feudal, but above

all his apartment and usually the main representative

building, i.e. the object which was constantly inhabited in

the period of peace. Keep is a specic product of the feu-

dal system, which had a characteristic structure, spatial

and functional disposition and communication [20].

The theme of this article is the cultural landscape of

Silesia in the rst years of the fragmentation and in the

times of melioratio terrae, initially dominated by the Piast

conict with the magnates (1145–1201), and then by suc-

cessful economic and settlement experiments as well as

by huge architectural and urban investments (1201–1241)

of the European impetus. The collision of the “old order”,

which was impersonated by the magnates, with the uni-

cation attempts of the Silesian Piasts initially brought de-

feat to the rightful rulers of this district. Almost 20 years

of exile spent not only at the Hohenstaufen’s imperial

resi dence in Altenburg, but above all on long travels, war

expeditions and crusades in Europe and the Holy Land,

made it possible to acquire priceless experiences which

soon led to the cultural and economic breakthrough in the

DOI: 10.37190/arc230101

Published in open access. CC BY NC ND license

* ORCID: 0000-0002-5073-4382. Faculty of Architecture, Wro-

cław University of Science and Technology, Poland.

** ORCID: 0000-0003-1866-3147. Faculty of Architecture, Wro-

cław University of Science and Technology, Poland, e-mail: roland.

mruczek@pwr.edu.pl

4 Małgorzata Chorowska, Roland Mruczek

south-western lands of District Poland. The brick archi-

tecture with Lombard’s origin, which to the north of the

Alps was associated with Italian aspirations and the pow-

er of the Hohenstaufen policy, became a symbol of deep

transformations. Soon it also became a dominant ele ment

in the panorama of metropolitan Wrocław, being a notice-

able counterweight to the stone investments of the pow-

erful Włostowic family, matching the works of Anno II

– the bishop of Cologne or Bernward – Hildesheim Bishop.

The rst in this row, however, was an extremely unique

and experimental defensive structure of a donjon type,

i.e. a manifesto of power of Prince Bolesław I the Tall

[Bolesław I Wysoki] returning from the exile (1163–1201).

Despite the siege and even burning, it ultimately allowed

the prince to survive in rebellious Wrocław which was

dominated by conspiracy aristocrats. The purpose of this

work is to show its phenomenon against the background

of similar European facilities and to trace the mechanisms

of the construction of other pioneering defensive build-

ings during the crusades and the economic breakthrough

which ended the early Middle Ages in Central and Eastern

Europe. This study analyzed the results of archaeological

and architectural research as well as historical sources, in

particular little-known episodes from the Milan’s expedi-

tion of Frederick I Barbarossa, which show the genesis of

the “brick breakthrough” in Germany and Poland at the

turn of the 3

third of the 12

century in the new light.

A donjon (keep) and Lombard brick define a “new

world” of the crusades era, i.e. the world of rent economy

and feudalism. Initially, it is a world strongly dominat-

ed by the Hohenstaufens. The authors of the article are

particularly interested in showing a very early chronol-

ogy of these transformations in comparison with the rest

of Europe (Windsor, Chateau-Gaillard, Coucy), which

stands in opposition to the existing opinions on a pro-

vincial character of the “eastern German Reich March”

and the assumptions of the “colonization” theory, which

essentially diminishes the merits of Polish rulers in the

development of civilization of Silesia. It is also important

to show the uniqueness not only of the Wrocław building,

but almost all very early European keeps which usually

have the character of one-time experiments without stan-

dardization features.

The first Silesian residences – traditional palatia?

The high capital status of Wrocław already in the times

of Gallus Anonymous (2

decade of the 12

century)

is indicated by the chronicler as Sedes regni Principales

[21]. As one of the key centers of the monarchy of the rst

Piasts, it was not by accident that in 1000 it became one

of the episcopal capitals of the Archdiocese of Gniezno.

However, it cannot boast the relics of the early Piast pala-

tium, which is still waiting for its discoverer. Perhaps, its

residues should be sought in the so-called Czech gord in

the eastern part of Ostrów Tumski [22]. The existence of

an older gord temple from the 10

century in the place

of the present Saint John Cathedral, which preceded the

construction of three extensive Romanesque buildings

and present Gothic, was conrmed archeologically [23].

In the case of the western gord, we have mentions of the

original St. Marcin Chapel from 1149 and 1193 only,

which has not been located in a conrmed way so far [24].

Similarly, the question of the original episcopal resi-

dence in Wrocław remains unanswered. In the years of

Walter from Malonne [Wauthier de Malonne] service

(1149–1169), the construction of a new Romanesque ca-

thedral, the so-called Walter’s, began [23]. The current-

ly existing late-Roman episcopal palatium in Ostrów

Tumski is the oldest stone residential building known to

us which belonged to feudal lines from the circles of the

clergy [25]. Although a curia was mentioned as early as

1213, the oldest known building in this place only slightly

precedes the construction of the early Gothic presbytery

of the 4

cathedral in Wrocław, dated to the years 1244–

1272. Researchers relate the construction of this residence

to the 2

quarter of the 13

century. It was a two-storey

brick building on a rectangular plan, measuring approx-

imately 28.5 × 11.4 m, surrounded by buttresses with

a symmetrical tripartite interior [8, pp. 65–67].

Paradoxically, we have the most information about the

rst residences of Wrocław magnates. In Wrocław, whose

position on the map of the Piast monarchy increased sig-

nicantly at the end of the 11

century, magnates became

a dominant political force in the 1

and 2

thirds of the

century [4], [26]. The counts certainly stood out in the

foreground, i.e. Magnus (1051–after 1109), probably a de-

scendant of King Harold II Godwinson of England [27,

pp. 196 .], Piotr Włostowic (1080–1153) [28, pp. 507–

510] and Jaksa (died after 1168/1178) who was identied

with Jaksa of Kopanica, Duke of Stodorans and Jaksa of

Miechów, a noble from the Gryt family [26, pp. 10–12].

The political crisis of 1093, which was inspired by the

Bohemians, brought about the Wrocław-Kruszwica re-

bellion and the so-called Magnus’ rebellion, when power

in Wrocław was temporarily transferred to Zbigniew, the

elder son of Duke Władysław Herman (1079–1102). After

1097, by the will of the ruler, Wrocław became the capital

of the district of his younger son Bolesław III Wrymouth

[Bolesław III Krzywousty] [29, pp. 293–298]. At the turn

of the 12

century, the center already formed an early ur-

ban agglomeration, the important elements of which were

the right-bank market Ołbin, Wyspa Piaskowa and the ex-

tensive left-bank settlement [30]. The Włostowices had at

least two residences known to us, one of which – though

still under discussion – had systematic archaeological and

architectural research, whereas the other was most proba-

bly immortalized on the viewing plan of Wrocław by Bar-

thel and Barthel the Younger Weiners from 1562. In the

light of previous analyses and interpretations, these resi-

dences, however, did not dier in their character from the

Piast palatia of Poznań, Ostrów Lednicki, Giecz,

Przemyśl

or Wiślica [31], [32]. These would be traditional palaces

with private chapels, i.e. in the case of Sobótka-Górka

– with a rectangular plan, whereas in the case of Wrocław-

Ołbin, most likely in the form of a central building with

a tower, similar to St. Prokop’s rotunda in Strzelno [33].

There is no reason to look for elements of Norman motte

castles in their program, especially towers in keep or bel-

fry types. On the other hand, as we known from sources,

Silesian landscape with a castle in the background. A Wrocław donjon of the prince-crusader 5

the manor house of Count Mikora – another important g-

ure of the 12

-century Wrocław, the founder of St. Peter’s

Church in Ostrów Tumski – has not yet been located. It

was supposed to be situated in western Ołbin [34].

Civil war, exile and return of the Silesian Piasts

The position of Wrocław aristocrats, high and stable

in the times of Bolesław III Wrymouth and Vladislaus II

[Władysław II], broke down violently during the hot

period of the civil war in Poland (1145–1146), as a re-

sult of the conict of the ruler with count palatine Piotr

Włostowic. However, the devolutionary trends were al-

ready too strong. Even the kidnapping, imprisonment,

mutilation and exile of the magnates, instead of calming

down the situation and pacifying the moods, led to the

rebellion in the country which ended with the expelling of

Prince Wła dysław II from Poland. The country was also

left by his wife Agnieszka of Babenberg and their sons

Bo lesław I the Tall, Mieszko IV Tanglefoot [Mieszko IV

Plą to nogi] and Konrad Spindleshanks [Konrad Laskonogi],

who found shelter at the imperial residence in Altenburg

[35]–[37]. Despite good welcome and the will to support

the exiles with military help, King Konrad III Hohen stauf

– under the inuence of Bernard of Clairvaux – made

preparations for the crusade, postponing even his own

imperial coronation in Rome. Neither Konrad III’s un-

successful expedition in 1146 which was organized on

the eve of the Second Crusade, nor even a devastating

military and prestigious defeat inicted on Bolesław IV

the Curly [Bolesław IV Kędzierzawy] in 1157 by Frede-

rick Barbarossa restored power to the exiles. It only hap-

pened in 1163, after the death of Władysław II the Exile

[Władysław II Wygnaniec] and Agnieszka. Bolesław IV

the Curly, who was recognized as a legitimate Polish rul-

er by the emperor, kept the key Silesian castles for him-

self, probably Wrocław as well as Głogów and Opole.

Bolesław and Mieszko regained them with their army

before 1166, using the defeat of Bolesław IV the Curly

Prussian crusade to strengthen their power.

When Bolesław I the Tall entered Wrocław with his

army, the magnates initially supported the prince, how-

ever later – dissatisfied with the authoritarian rule of

Barbarossa’s protege – often undermined his supremacy.

Despite many thoughtful steps, which were aimed at rais-

ing the economic potential of Silesia – visible especially

in the Wrocław early agglomeration, which Jewish mer-

chants, Walloon weavers and German guests came to,

and in the Katzbach Foothills, where the gold extraction

was intensied – Bolesław I the Tall again had to look for

shelter abroad due to turbulent events which took place in

the years 1172 and 1177.

The ruler undoubtedly had to strengthen his residence

in Wrocław quite early. At that time, towers of churches

which were funded by Włostowic family denitely stood

out in the panorama of the town, manifesting the balance

of forces in the capital of Silesia and already competing

in terms of monumental architecture and economic power

with the capital city of Cracow [38, p. 50]. A symbolic

counterweight for the investments of rebellious aristocrats

was necessary – a clear dominant designating axis mundi

and redening space of the capital’s gord and town.

The princely donjon (keep) in Ostrów Tumski

– a manifesto of power of the Piasts

returning from the exile

Among the representatives of the Piast dynasty, there

are few rulers who owe their “second life” and posthu-

mous fame to archaeologists. In this group we can certain-

ly include Prince-Crusader Bolesław I the Tall – still some

time ago a Wanderer, repatriate, malcontent – returning

from exile in 1163, a pretender to the throne of united Po-

land, man of great ambitions and expectations which he

was not able to meet in the realities of fragmented Poland

[36]. In the light of archaeological research of the last four

decades, he was, however, a farsighted ruler with the wid-

est horizons among the Piasts. As a participant in the Ital-

ian expedition and the Crusader from the Hohenstaufen’s

retinue, and earlier a permanent visitor to Kievan Rus’

courts, he well learned defensive architecture and military

art of the East and West. As an ecient organizer – a sup-

porter of economic and legal reforms – he acquired valu-

able allies in Cistercians, Norbertines and Augustinians to

cooperate with in the economic reconstruction of Silesia

[36]. And it was religious workshops that appeared shortly

thereafter as experts not only in terms of colonization, but

above all in the eld of architecture, promoting brick as the

basic building material, both at German and Polish courts.

It was Bolesław who most likely erected the rst castle

in rebellious Wrocław and situated it in Ostrów Tumski

in the area of Western Gord (Fig. 1), having experiences

from the time of the strengthening of Wleń, Grodziec, and

Legnica [35], [36]. The archaeological and architectural

research by Edmund Małachowicz brought the discovery

of impressive relics of this completely forgotten brick

building, which is the second, maybe the third – after

Wawel and Wleń – castle in the lands of Poland [5]. The

functional interpretation of its individual elements, which

was introduced by the discoverer, for several decades

constituted the applicable interpretation of our knowledge

about the Wrocław castle, although at that time many re-

searchers commented on the vision of the Wrocław res-

idence of the Piasts [24]. In the light of research which

was carried out in the years 2010–2014, this image has

changed signicantly [39]. From the panorama of the old-

est residence, a rectangular keep or bergfried disappeared.

In fact, it was a fragment of a later palace building from

the time of Henry I the Bearded [Henryk I Brodaty] and

the so-called eighteen-sided chapel turned out to be a sec-

ular defensive and representative building, most likely of

a keep character (Figs. 1b, c). Today, we perceive a rect-

angular in plan residential object not as a Premonstraten-

sian monastery, but rather as a palatium or school of good

manners (Kinderstube) building. The youngest building

in this complex, which was erected on the sophisticat-

ed club-like octagon plan with polygonal apses and the

presbytery also closed in a polygonal way – according to

the interpretation of the explorer – undoubtedly served as

a court chapel [40], although – which we know for sure

6 Małgorzata Chorowska, Roland Mruczek

Fig. 1. Wrocław, Ostrów Tumski: a, d) gord embankments in the hook-spacer (grid) structure (acc. to K. Raszczuk, W. Misztal, 2011, source: archives of the Department of History of Architecture, Art and Technology

of the Wrocław University of Science and Technology), b) eighteen-sided donjon (acc. to M. Chorowska, M. Krzywka), c) projection of relics with chronological stratification (acc. to M. Chorowska, M. Caban)

Il. 1. Wrocław, Ostrów Tumski: a, d) wały grodowe w konstrukcji hakowo-przekładkowej (wg K. Raszczuka i W. Misztala, 2011, źródło: archiwum Katedry Historii Architektury, Sztuki i Techniki Politechniki Wrocławskiej),

b) donżon osiemnastoboczny (wg M. Chorowskiej i M. Krzywki), c) rzut reliktów z rozwarstwieniem chronologicznym (wg M. Chorowskiej i M. Cabana)

Silesian landscape with a castle in the background. A Wrocław donjon of the prince-crusader 7

today – in the next, already second residence. However,

neither the relics of either the rst palatium, nor the origi-

nal, at the latest of the 12

-century Saint Martin’s Chapel,

have been discovered until today [5], [24]. The residence

of Bolesław I the Tall was strengthened with massive

wood and earth embankments in the hook and spacer

(grate) structure (Figs. 1a, b, d). The characteristic incli-

nation of the embankment’s face constituted an obstacle

dicult to overcome, which was in formal terms similar to

solutions commonly used in the masonry (stone) form in

the Holy Land (such as in Krak de Chevaliers). Of course,

this image of the Wrocław castle still requires research.

In the scientific environment, a stormy discussion

as regards a functional interpretation issue of the eigh-

teen-sided facility was taking place. This is probably the

oldest brick object in Poland, which was erected from the

“high” Lombard brick (format 7.5–8 × 11.5 × 25.5 cm,

arranged in the Slavonic / Wendish bond), and was rec-

ognized by Małachowicz without any doubts as a chapel

from the time of Bolesław I the Tall or even Piotr Wło-

stowic [41, pp. 263–268]. However, Jerzy Rozpędowski

[42], Marian Kutzner [43] and Małgorzata Chorowska

[8] considered it to be a polygonal donjon – a residential

and defensive tower which constituted the core of the then

castle. The arguments put forward by both sides did not

make it possible to nd a convincing solution to this issue

for a long time. During the research in the years 2010–

2014, it turned out that the arched wall of the alleged sac-

risty in fact ran around the entire eighteen-sided object

and formed a defensive perimeter in the French chemise

or German Mantelmauer type, which was additionally

reinforced with an embankment and a clay coat – badly

burnt as a result of the siege – and the apse reconstructed

formerly by researchers did not in fact exist. Therefore,

there appeared arguments which allowed us to ultimately

recognize the secular and defensive character of the eigh-

teen-sided building. The location of a polygonal tower,

which was immersed in the structure of wooden and earth

embankments and in a strategic place where the defen-

sive perimeters of the gord and the outer gord coincided,

also speaks for it. In the light of radiocarbon analyses of

mortars, the donjon from Ostrów Tumski was construct-

ed in the years 1166–1186 (with a probability of 68%) or

1117–1212 (with a probability of 95%) [44].

Pioneering experiments of the Crusade era

Since the discovery of relics of the eighteen-sided ob-

ject, researchers thought about its genesis and function,

somewhat rightly assuming that they could be closely

related to each other. The convincing justication of the

genesis of the phenomenon along with the indication of

the cultural circle from which it comes could constitute

a key argument in the discussion on the form and function

of this architectural phenomenon. From the perspective

of time, it can be seen that the analyses understood in

this way limit us exclusively to intuitive travels around

Europe of the crusades era, the results of which will al-

ways have a more or less debatable character [45], [46].

Among the great and signicant European equivalents

of the Wrocław donjon, there is a cylindrical tower in

a Windsor Castle keep type (Fig. 2a), which is articulated

with pilaster strips and was built by Henry II Plantagen-

et in the years 1165–1179, however, today, signicantly

transformed (the oldest parts of the walls dated dendro-

chronologically for the year 1225) or the unique exper-

imental donjon of Château Gaillard (Eure, Normandy)

(Fig. 2b), which was erected by Richard the Lionheart in

1197–1198 and along with the system of fortied towers

permanently entered the history of military (militaris) ar-

chitecture. Traditionally, the well-known fourteen-sided

Tour aux Puces Tower in Thionville (Moselle, Lorraine/

Grand Est) (Fig. 2c) from the 11

and 12

centuries,

which was transformed into the chapel, should be men-

tioned. The donjon of Coucy Castle in the Ardennes

(Aisne, Picardia/Hauts-de-France) – despite the striking

kinship of the concept – surrounded tightly by the che-

mise perimeter (Figs. 2e–g) and funded by the Enguer-

rand III de Boves from the years 1220–1242, is probably

much younger than Wrocław Tower. Moreover, we can

mention Torre del Oro in Seville, i.e. a twelve-sided de-

fensive tower which was constructed in the years 1220–

1221 by the Almohads and an eleven-sided tower in the

donjon type of Bricquebec Castle (Cherbourg, Manche,

Normandy) which was also built in the 13

century. In

this group we must also include Red Tower (Kizil Kule)

in Alanya (Turkey) (Fig. 3), which was constructed for

Sultan Ala Ad-Din Kay Qubadh I (1220–1237) by archi-

tect Ebu Ali Reha El Kettani from Aleppo in the years

1221–1226 and which guarded the entrance to the port

and shipyard. This stone and brick ve-storey building is

33 m high with a diameter of 29 m and wall thickness of

12.5 m. The structure which is based on a centrally locat-

ed pillar – eight-sided at the bottom and cylindrical at the

top – and also houses a rainwater reservoir is of particular

attention. The façades were equipped with bay windows

of the machicolation character. However, these buildings

can be treated as ideological models only. Further analyses

inevitably lead to the conclusion that especially the period

between the 2

and 3

Crusades is a time of intriguing

experiments in the eld of defensive and residential ar-

chitecture, which is evidenced by a huge formal diversity

of this type of towers in Europe. The richness of solu-

tions of French donjons is striking, in particular in these

examples: Etampes (Essonne, Île-de-France), Houdan

(Yvelines, Île-de-France), Niort (Deux-Sèvres, New Aqui-

taine), Provins (Seine -Et-marne, Île-de-France), already

mentioned Château Gaillard (Eure, Normandia), and also

Gisors (Eure, Normandia), La Roche-Guyon (Val-d’Oise,

Île-de-France) or Château de Queribus (Cucugnan, Aude).

It is the same on the British Isles, where there are towers

in the donjon type, i.e. Conisbrough Castle (South York-

shire; built in around 1180/1190 by Hamelin Plantagenet),

Athlone Castle (Athlone, Westmeath, Ireland, which was

built for King John in 1210 by the bishop of Norwich and

Archbishop Canterbury – John de Gray), Cliord’s Tower

in York Castle (York, England, which was constructed for

King Henry III in the years 1245–1270) or Raglan (Mon-

mouthshire, Wales, which was erected in the place of the

older 12

-century layout in the years 1430–1440).

8 Małgorzata Chorowska, Roland Mruczek

Silesian landscape with a castle in the background. A Wrocław donjon of the prince-crusader 9

These towers should be regarded as unique and often

unrepeatable phenomena of the one-time experiments

character, which preceded the appearance of simpler and

more eagerly imitated forms. Contrary to the conclusions

resulting from the opinion once expressed by Bernhard

Grueber, i.e. Hat man einen dieser Türme gesehen und

untersucht, hat man alle gesehen regarding towers of the

bergfried type [17, p. 180], they are the donjons that bring

a surprising variety of forms and solutions far from “stan-

dardization” or even reduction typical of the nal defense

towers. This is a circumstance conducive to our search-

es. Therefore, all analyses of the relics of the donjon of

Bolesław I the Tall in Ostrów Tumski, which were con-

ducted in isolation from the Silesian artistic, political, and

economic context as well as the issue of technique and

technology of construction, could not and cannot bring

satisfactory results.

Roman walls of Milan.

Lombard genesis of construction workshop

Analyzing in detail the relics of the eighteen-sided

building, which were discovered during the archaeolog-

ical research, we perfectly understand the reason why the

explorer of the object, i.e. Małachowicz, probably never

had any doubts about its function. In spite of the search

direction we set at the beginning, the Wrocław donjon

presents strong formal, technical, and technological re-

lationships with Lombard brick architecture [20], [45],

[46], which is represented mainly by central religious

buildings such as, for example, Saint Lawrence Rotunda

in Mantua (Fig. 4a), then by geographically closer to us

Hungarian rotundas in Karcsa (Fig. 4b), Kiszombor and

Gereny (Goriany) from the 4

quarter of the 12

centu-

ry and early 13

century, as well as also by the rotunda

in Kiev, which Małachowicz and Andrzej Grzybkowski

[40] considered a direct formal model for the monument

from Wrocław. However, it is certainly not the only Lom-

bard clue in search for the genesis of the Wrocław don-

jon. So far, much less attention has been paid to secular

buildings, especially from Roman times and the early

Middle Ages.

Bolesław I the Tall – a participant in both famous sieg-

es of Milan (6

August–7

September 1158 and 30

May

1161, 28

February 1162) during the Italian expedition of

Emperor Frederick Barbarossa – as one of the last rulers

from behind the Alps, could admire the impressive antique

defensive walls of the town. These fortications, which

arouse admiration and jealousy of neighboring municipal

districts in the 12

century, were erected in two phases,

namely, 1

– in republican times (in around 49 B.C.) and

– (after 291) during the reign of Emperor Maximian

(286–305), which made Milan the capital of the Western

Roman Empire. The defensive perimeter was equipped,

among other things, with polygonal fortified flanking

towers, from among which the octagonal tower Torre Dei

Malsani (Torraccia) at Porta Ticinensis (phase I; in Car-

robbio District, on the corner of Via Torino and Via del

Torchio) (Fig. 5f) and the twenty four-sided tower called

Massimiano (Torre di Ansperto) which belonged to the

western section of the walls from the times of Maxim-

ian (phase II; at 15 Corso Magenta in the courtyard of

the present Archaeological Museum) and preserved in full

height (16.60 m) (Figs. 5a, d, e). The powerful walls of

Milan were pulled down deliberately according to Freder-

ick’s will and shortly after conquering the town. Already

Fig. 2. Selected European towers of the donjon and keep types:

a) Windsor, tower of a keep type, built by Henry II Plantagenet in the years 1165–1179 with a superstructure added in 19

century

(photo by M. Cartwright, source: https://www.worldhistory.org/image/11556/round-tower-windsor-castle/ [accessed: 1.12.2022]),

b) Château Gaillard (Eure, Normandy), castle, the donjon erected by Richard the Lionheart in the years 1197–1198, top view

(photo by F. Cormon, source: courtesy of F. Cormon),

c) Thionville (Moselle, Lorraine/Grand Est), fourteen-sided donjon Tour aux Puces from the 11

and 12

centuries, transformed into a chapel

(photo by S. Thevenin, source: Musée archéologique du Pays Thionvillois – La Tour aux Puces, © Ville de Thionville),

d) Neustift (Novacella, Bressanone-Brixen, Vahrn/Varna, Bolzano, Southern Tyrol, Italy), augustinian abbey, sixteen-sided tower with a chapel,

the so-called Engelsburg (Castello dell’Angelo), constructed by preposit Konrad von Rodank in the years 1190–1198 (photo by M. Chorowska),

e) Coucy (Aisne, Picardia/Hauts-de-France), castle, donjon constructed by Enguerrand III de Boves in the years 1220–1242,

reconstruction of the castle according to J. Martel (source: courtesy of J. Martel, www.VirtuHall.com),

f) Coucy (Aisne, Picardia/Hauts-de-France), castle, donjon model

(photo by R. Boshi, source: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Modèle_du_donjon_du_Château_de_Coucy.jpg [accessed: 26.08.2019]),

g) layout plan according to E. Viollet-le-Duc (source: https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fichier:Plan.chateau.Coucy.png [accessed: 26.08.2019])

Il. 2. Wybrane europejskie wieże w typie donjon i keep:

a) Windsor, wieża w typie keep zbudowana przez Henryka II Plantageneta w latach 1165–1179, nadbudowana w XIX w. (fot. M. Cartwright,

źródło: https://www.worldhistory.org/image/11556/round-tower-windsor-castle/ [data dostępu: 1.12.2022]),

b) Château Gaillard (Eure, Normandia), zamek, donżon wzniesiony przez Ryszarda Lwie Serce w latach 1197–1198, widok z góry

(fot. F. Cormon, dzięki uprzejmości F. Cormona),

c) Thionville (Moselle, Lotaryngia/Grand Est), donżon czternastoboczny Tour aux Puces z XI–XII w., przebudowany na kaplicę

(fot. S. Thevenin, źródło: Musée archéologique du Pays Thionvillois – La Tour aux Puces, © Ville de Thionville),

d) Neustift (Novacella, Bressanone-Brixen, Vahrn/Varna, Bolzano, Tyrol Południowy, Włochy), opactwo augustianów, wieża szesnastoboczna

z kaplicą, tzw. Engelsburg (Castello dell’Angelo), zbudowana przez prepozyta Konrada von Rodank w latach 1190–1198 (fot. M. Chorowska),

e) Coucy (Aisne, Picardia/Hauts-de-France), zamek, donżon zbudowany przez Enguerranda III de Boves z lat 1220–1242,

rekonstrukcja zamku według J. Martela (źródło: dzięki uprzejmości J. Martela, www.VirtuHall.com),

f) Coucy (Aisne, Picardia/Hauts-de-France), zamek, model donżonu

(fot. R. Boshi, źródło: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Modèle_du_donjon_du_Château_de_Coucy.jpg, [data dostępu: 26.08.2019]),

g) Coucy (Aisne, Picardia/Hauts-de-France), zamek, plan założenia według E. Viollet-le-Duca

(źródło: https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fichier:Plan.chateau.Coucy.png [data dostępu: 26.08.2019])

10 Małgorzata Chorowska, Roland Mruczek

Fig. 3. Alanya (Turkey). Red Tower (Kizil Kule): a) general view (photo by M. Chorowska, 2022),

b) vertical cross-section and horizontal cross-sections (source: Museum of Ethnography in Alanya),

c) general view of the peripheral walls of the 3

and 4

storeys (photo by M. Chorowska, 2022)

Il. 3. Alanya (Antalya, Turcja). Czerwona Wieża (Kizil Kule): a) widok ogólny (fot. M. Chorowska, 2022),

b) przekrój pionowy i przekroje poziome (źródło: Muzeum Etnograficzne w Alanyi),

c) widok ogólny ścian obwodowych III i IV kondygnacji (fot. M. Chorowska, 2022)

Silesian landscape with a castle in the background. A Wrocław donjon of the prince-crusader 11

Fig. 4. Selected European brick buildings of the Lombard type and works of Norbertines’ and Cistercians’ workshops

on Lombard-German provenance:

a) Mantua, Saint Lawrence’s Rotunda (after 1083) (photo by J. Hałun, source: courtesy of J. Hałun),

b) Karcsa (Borsod-Abaúj-Zemplén, Hungary), Rotunda (12

century)

(photo by Z. Strucki, source: http://naspacery.blogspot.com/2017/02/karcsa-czyli-dwa-w-jednym.html [accessed: 20.03.2023]),

c) Jerichow, Norbertines’ Church, cylindrical, brick inter-nave pillar (around 1148–1172) (photo by M. Caban, source: archives of KHASziT PWr),

d) Wrocław, Ostrów Tumski, eighteen-sided building, central, cylindrical brick pillar (3

third of the 12

century), source: [5, p. 66, Fig. 59]),

e) Morimondo, Cistercians’ Church, cylindrical brick pillars (1

third of the 13

century)

(source: http://associazioneliveart.it/wp-content/uploads/2015/05/abbazia-di-morimondo-2.jpg [accessed: 26.08.2019]),

f) Lubiąż, cellarium Cistercians’ Abbey, cylindrical brick pillar (3

third of the 12

century) (photo by R. Mruczek, 2012)

Il. 4. Wybrane europejskie budowle ceglane w typie lombardzkim oraz dzieła warsztatów norbertańskich i cysterskich

o proweniencji lombardzko-niemieckiej: a) Mantua, rotunda pw. św. Wawrzyńca (po 1083 r.)

(fot. J. Hałun, źródło: dzięki uprzejmości J. Hałuna),

b) Karcsa (Borsod-Abaúj-Zemplén, Węgry), rotunda (XII w.),

(fot. Z. Strucki, źródło: http://naspacery.blogspot.com/2017/02/karcsa-czyli-dwa-w-jednym.html [data dostępu: 20.03.2023]),

c) Jerichow, kościół norbertanów, cylindryczny, ceglany filar międzynawowy (około 1148–1172) (fot. M. Caban, źródło: archiwum KHASziT PWr),

d) Wrocław, Ostrów Tumski, budowla osiemnastoboczna, centralny, cylindryczny filar ceglany (3. tercja XII w.) (źródło: [5, s. 66, ryc. 59]),

e) Morimondo, kościół cystersów, cylindryczne filary ceglane (1. tercja XIII w.)

(źródło: http://associazioneliveart.it/wp-content/uploads/2015/05/abbazia-di-morimondo-2.jpg [data dostępu: 26.08.2019]),

f) Lubiąż, cellarium opactwa cystersów, cylindryczny filar ceglany (3. tercja XII w.) (fot. R. Mruczek, 2012)

12 Małgorzata Chorowska, Roland Mruczek

Fig. 5. From Milan to Altenburg. Selected European towers on the route of Bolesław I the Tall’s expedition:

a) Milan (Lombardy), twenty four-sided tower called Massimiano (Torre di Ansperto) (phase II – after 291) (photo by: C. Finocchietti,

source: https://blogcamminarenellastoria.files.wordpress.com/2016/12/9-la-torre-poligonale-delle-mura.jpg [accessed: 6.11.2022]),

b) Altenburg (Thuringia), imperial castle, the so-called Tower of Piasts (aka Flask),

c) Altenburg (Thuringia), imperial castle, Hausmannsturm Tower (photo by R. Mruczek),

d, e) Milan (Lombardy), twenty four-sided tower called Massimiano (Torre di Ansperto),

f) Milan (Lombardy), octagonal tower Torre dei Malsani (Torraccia) at Porta Ticinensis (phase I – ca. 49 BC)

(photo by Z. Strucki, source: courtesy of Z. Strucki)

Il. 5. Z Mediolanu do Altenburga. Wybrane wieże europejskie na trasie podróży Bolesława I Wysokiego:

a) Mediolan (Lombardia), dwudziestoczteroboczna wieża zw. Massimiano (Torre di Ansperto) (faza II – po 291 r.) (fot. C. Finocchietti,

źródło: https://blogcamminarenellastoria.files.wordpress.com/2016/12/9-la-torre-poligonale-delle-mura.jpg [data dostępu: 6.11.2022]),

b) Altenburg (Turyngia), zamek cesarski, tzw. Wieża Piastów (znana również jako Flask),

c) Altenburg (Turyngia), zamek cesarski, wieża Hausmannsturm (fot. R. Mruczek),

d, e) Mediolan (Lombardia), dwudziestoczteroboczna wieża zw. Massimiano (Torre di Ansperto),

f) Mediolan (Lombardia), ośmioboczna wieża Torre dei Malsani (Torraccia) przy Porta Ticinensis (faza I – ok. 49 r. p.n.e.)

(fot. Z. Strucki, źródło: dzięki uprzejmości Z. Struckiego)

on March 19, 1162, the Milans were forced to leave their

homes within eight days. From March 26, 1162, Barbaros-

sa personally watched the work of destruction, which took

place, inter alia, with great help of Italian cities competing

with Milan, such as Cremona, Lodi, Pawia, Como, No-

vara and Vercelli [47, pp. 570–597]. Although the history

of the winning duel of Bolesław I the Tall with the knight-

giant, which took place in front of the imperial retinue at

Silesian landscape with a castle in the background. A Wrocław donjon of the prince-crusader 13

the foot of the walls of Milan, seems to be literary ction

[48, p. 370], his participation in the siege of the city is not

subject to any discussion today. Also, a direct transfer of

specialists from Lombardy to Silesia through Germany in

the years 1162–1163 in the situation of almost complete

destruction of the city (temples were saved only) and the

exile of its inhabitants, cannot be ruled out. This situation

certainly results from the large brick investments which

were undertaken in Germany in the times of Barbaros-

sa, especially in Altenburg, Altzelle, and Jerichow. The

very idea of possessing a donjon by the Silesian ruler can

constitute an echo of years spent in exile in Turyngan Al-

tenburg, where the family of Bolesław I the Tall had an

imperial residence with the so-called Tower of Piasts (aka

Flask) at their disposal (Fig. 5b). However, it is the sec-

ond of the Altenburg towers – cylindrical brick bergfried

(called Hausmannsturm) – that was equipped with an in-

ternal pillar which was very similar to the Wrocław Tower

(Fig. 5c). Was it built in parallel to the donjon from Os-

trów Tumski, already after leaving the imperial residence

by the Piasts and their return to Silesia? Brick investments

in the area of the imperial residence in Altenburg are un-

doubtedly closely related to brick Blessed Virgin Mary

Augustinians Church (so-called Rote Spitzes) which was

funded by Frederick Barbarossa in the years 1165–1172

and was situated next to the castle. Lombard connotations

of this temple, similarly to Norbertines Church in Jeri-

chow, are dicult to undermine today.

However, it is not the last clue in our search. Surpris-

ing in terms of form and double function is the so-called

Engelsburg (Castello dell’Angelo), which functions in its

original form in the perimeter of the Augustinians’ abbey

fortications in Neustift (Novacella, Bressanone-Brixen,

Vahrn/Varna, Bolzano, Southern Tyrol, Italy) and is situ-

ated on the route of imperial travels to Italia and inspired

probably equally by the architecture of Rome and Jerusa-

lem (Fig. 2d). A sixteen-sided two-level stone building,

which combined defensive and sacred functions, was con-

structed in the years 1190–1198. The tower of the Hun-

garian Spišský Hrad Castle (Žehra, Spiš, Slovakia), which

was destroyed in the 1

half of the 13

century, had a sim-

ilar structure to Altenburg tower, but it was much larger in

terms of size. The owners of this residence, as well as the

sta of the nearby collegiate church, had, not accidentally

as it seems, family contacts with Jadwiga Andechs, wife

of Henry I the Bearded who was the son of Bolesław I the

Tall. The life and attractiveness of Lombard models is still

noticeable for a very long time. Among the relevant late

chronologically secular buildings of the Northern Ital-

ian trend, the polygonal twenty-sided plan also occurs in

a brick tower of Maryna Mniszchówna, which was pre-

served in the Kremlin walls in Kołomna (Moscow region)

and erected under the guidance of Lombard architects in

the years 1525–1531.

“Brick breakthrough” in Poland

The uniqueness of the eighteen-sided Wrocław donjon

results equally from the unusual nature of the challenge,

which the anonymous magister operis faced, as well as

the technical and technological prociency of the thatch

itself. And it was probably – as Małachowicz claims – the

Cistercian thatch which was connected with the Lubiąż

abbey founded by Bolesław I the Tall in 1175, and which

is associated with Blessed Virgin Mary Church there and

at least the cellarium building in the western wing of the

monastery [5], [49]. It then acted successfully in Cracow

and Mogiła. Characteristic cylindrical brick pillars carry-

ing the cross vaults of this room – identical to the pillar

carrying the ceilings of the Wrocław donjon (Figs. 4d, f)

– we derive from the resource of Lombard forms and Lom-

bard–German construction workshops which constructed

the famous Norbertines Church in Brandenburg Jerichow

[49]–[55] or the Cistercian temple in Lombard Morimondo

[45, p. 132] (Figs. 4c, e). The clear presence of the “Lom-

bard trend” in Polish medieval architecture and sculpture

was already signaled earlier [56, p. 11], [57, pp. 198–216,

244], [58, pp. 187, 194], [59, pp. 26, 65], although research-

ers focused mainly on its sacral manifestations. However,

it is neither the rst nor the last case when the thatch spe-

cializing in erecting sacral buildings faces the task of con-

structing a monumental secular building and this time of

a representative and defensive character. The slightly older

“bergfried” of Wawel was probably built by the Rhineland

creators of the western towers of Herman Cathedral. Per-

haps Bolesław I the Tall, besieged and defeated in 1146 to-

gether with his mother in the capital city of Kraków, could

already appreciate its advantages then.

Outstanding brick implementations – both sacred and

secular, residential and defensive – soon became the

share of the so-called workshop of Trzebnica – Legnica

of master Jakub (magister operis, mentioned in 1208 and

1234), who was known, among other things, from the

construction of a palatium with three towers (including

two bergfrieds) and a twelve-sided two-level Saints Ben-

edict and Lawrence Court Chapel, Blessed Virgin Mary

Cistercian Church and Saint Bartholomew in Trzebnica,

Blessed Virgin Mary Collegiate Church and Saint Jerome

in Głogów or Blessed Virgin Mary Parish Church and

Saint Michael in Złotoryja as well as numerous village

temples [7], [8], [52]. The polygonal outline of the central

buildings and the polygonal elements of the longitudinal

layouts – equipped with half-pillars or buttresses based

on four-sided brick pedestals – are nothing more than the

proof of understanding the essence of the point load of

the walls, and therefore the ability to build vaults, in par-

ticular rib vaults, in which – apart from northern France

– Lombardy was the leader [20, p. 122 .].

The task entrusted to the Lubiąż Cistercians by

Bolesław I the Tall was unusual and very complicated due

to the location of the tower within the old stronghold in

Ostrów Tumski in the dicult, in terms of its geotech-

nical aspects, area of Odrzańska Island and among un-

stable sandy-muck layers of subsequent utility levels of

residential building development and rotten structures of

former gord embankments. Therefore, a point foundation

was used consisting of eighteen trapezoidal in projection

pillars and arcades fastening them. Also, parts of the pe-

ripheral walls had a well-thought-out structure of a polyg-

onal outline, which enabled stiening of individual sides

14 Małgorzata Chorowska, Roland Mruczek

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Acknowledgements

The work was carried out as part of the project of the National Program

for the Development of Humanities – National Heritage NPRH/DN/

SP/495215/2021/10-2 (2022) “Catalogue of castles and fortied manors

of Silesia”.

with arcades directly under the crown cornice at the light

recessed structure of the walls themselves.

Summary

Although the Wrocław donjon from the beginning was

a pioneering experimental building and probably never

found direct formal imitation – as the rst in the devel-

opment of the Silesian princely towers it promoted a new

Western European standard of living of rulers and along

with a much simpler donjon in the form from the times of

Henry I the Bearded [60] and in the next decades probably

inuenced the spread of the tower model of the prince’s

residence not only in Silesia, but also in other parts of

Piast Poland. Thus, it deserves – apart from Wawel Berg-

fried – a special place in native militaris architecture.

The uniqueness of the Wrocław donjon – amazing in the

realities of district Poland – is no longer surprising when

compared with towers of this type in Western Europe. The

period of pioneering experiments with the use of experi-

ences gained during crusades is splendidly documented

by the numerous French donjons [19] and towers of the

donjon (keep) type in the British Isles [61]. The originality

and ingenuity of the solutions applied, however, does not

go hand in hand with their subsequent standardization and

many of them did not have any direct imitations.

We will probably never nd out whether the “trans-

plantation” of the tower residence model into Silesia was

directly aected by the so-called Piast Tower which was

inhabited by Polish princes in the imperial Altenburg, or

it is only a reection of changes taking place through-

out Europe and caused by the Second Crusade in which

– under the leadership of King Konrad III Hohenstaufen

– Bolesław I the Tall took part. The eighteen-sided don-

jon in Ostrów Tumski in Wrocław was probably built

for the prince by the monastic workshop of the Cister-

cians, or Norbertines or Augustians soon after 1166. In

the search for the genesis of this building, we cannot fail

to notice the Lombard brick models among which Mi-

lan’s defensive walls, which were demolished after a long

siege in the years 1161–1162, probably made the biggest

impression on Bolesław I the Tall. Among the defensive

works, which were intentionally destroyed at that time

according to the will of Emperor Frederick Barbarossa,

the twenty four-sided tower has survived until today. In

1163 Bolesław returned to the country from a long exile

and started the “brick breakthrough” in district Poland.

This constituted one of the rst stages of the great “brick

revolution” north of the Alps, which was initiated by the

Hohenstaufen’s Italian policy (1154–1186). Great Sile-

sian brick investments were implemented shortly after the

start of the main imperial investments in the territory of

Germany (Altenburg, Altzelle, Jerichow).

Translated by

Bogusław Setkowicz

Silesian landscape with a castle in the background. A Wrocław donjon of the prince-crusader 15

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16 Małgorzata Chorowska, Roland Mruczek

Abstract

Silesian landscape with a castle in the background. A Wrocław donjon of the prince-crusader

The article is an attempt at outlining the cultural landscape of Silesia in times of breakthrough, in the 2

and 3

thirds of the 12

century, which

was seen through the prism of studies on the early patronage of the Silesian Piasts. The symbol of deep transformations – apart from colonization

and rental economy – became the then brick architecture of Lombard genesis, which north of the Alps was connected with Italian aspirations and the

imperial power of the Hohenstaufen’s dynasty (1154–1186).

The purpose of this work is to present the genesis of the innovative brick eighteen-sided donjon of the princely castle in Ostrów Tumski in

Wrocław against the background of the journey of Bolesław I the Tall (exile years: 1146–1163) as well as political, economic, and legal transfor-

mations which he initiated in Silesia in the rst decades of melioratio terrae (rule years: 1163–1201). That time, which was initially dominated by

the Piast conict with magnates and then by the rst successful economic and settlement experiments, preceded widely known in source literature

huge architectural and urban investments of European momentum undertaken by his son Henry the Bearded (1201–1238). This work is based on ar-

chaeological and architectural research results and analyses of the selected existing tower objects, mainly European, as well as on historical sources.

The brick Wrocław donjon is a manifesto of power of Prince Bolesław I the Tall returning from the exile who regained the main gords of the

province with diculty (1163/1166). Similarly to numerous early French and English towers, it was an innovative experimental building but it did

not have any direct formal imitations. In the search for its genesis, it is appropriate to refer to Lombard brick models, among which Milan’s defensive

walls, which were destroyed after a long siege in the years 1161–1162, can be of great importance. In 1163 Bolesław I the Tall returned to the country

from a long exile and initiated a “brick breakthrough” in fragmented Poland. It constituted one of the stages of the great “brick revolution” north of

the Alps, which was initiated by the Hohenstaufen’s Italian policy.

Key words: Silesia, Middle Ages, Wrocław, castle, donjon, residential tower, archeology

Streszczenie

Śląski krajobraz z zamkiem w tle. Wrocławski donżon księcia-krzyżowca

Artykuł jest próbą nakreślenia krajobrazu kulturowego Śląska w czasach przełomu, w 2. i 3. tercji XII w., widzianego przez pryzmat studiów nad

wczesnym mecenatem Piastów śląskich. Symbolem głębokich przemian – oprócz kolonizacji i gospodarki czynszowej – stała się wówczas ceglana

architektura o genezie lombardzkiej, łączona na północ od Alp z włoskimi aspiracjami i mocarstwową polityką Hohenstaufów (1154–1186).

Celem pracy jest ukazanie genezy nowatorskiego, ceglanego, osiemnastobocznego donżonu książęcego zamku na Ostrowie Tumskim we Wro-

cławiu na tle podróży Bolesława I Wysokiego (lata wygnania: 1146–1163) oraz przemian politycznych i ekonomiczno-prawnych, jakie zainicjował

na Śląsku w pierwszych dekadach melioratio terrae (lata panowania: 1163–1201). Czas ten, zdominowany początkowo przez konikt Piastów

z możnowładztwem, potem przez pierwsze udane eksperymenty gospodarcze i osadnicze, poprzedził szeroko znane w literaturze przedmiotu ogrom-

ne inwestycje architektoniczne i urbanistyczne o europejskim rozmachu podjęte przez jego syna Henryka Brodatego (1201–1238). Praca opiera się

na wynikach badań archeologiczno-architektonicznych oraz analizach wybranych istniejących obiektów wieżowych, głównie europejskich, a także

źródeł historycznych.

Ceglany donżon wrocławski to manifest władzy powracającego z wygnania księcia Bolesława I Wysokiego, z trudem odzyskującego główne

grody prowincji (1163/1166). Podobnie jak liczne wczesne wieże francuskie i angielskie był budowlą nowatorską, eksperymentalną i nie znalazł

bezpośrednich naśladownictw formalnych. W poszukiwaniach jego genezy wypada sięgnąć do lombardzkich wzorców ceglanych, wśród których

istotne znaczenie mogą mieć mury obronne Mediolanu zburzone po długim oblężeniu w latach 1161–1162. Powracając w 1163 r. do kraju z długiego

wygnania, Bolesław I Wysoki zainicjował „ceglany przełom” w Polsce dzielnicowej, który stanowił jeden z etapów wielkiej „ceglanej rewolucji” na

północ od Alp, zapoczątkowanej przez politykę włoską Hohenstaufów.

Słowa kluczowe: Śląsk, średniowiecze, Wrocław, zamek, donżon, wieża mieszkalna, archeologia